Sometime
between A.D. 600 and 800, following a decline in Woodland mound
building activity, a group of Late Woodland people arrived
in the American Bottoms, rich alluvial terraces, floodplain and
low bluffs in present day Illinois, just south of the juncture
of the Missouri and Mississippi Rivers. Around 900, for reasons
which are unclear, these Late Woodland people began to build mounds,
not only the burial mounds of the Hopewell and Adena peoples, but
also flat topped pyramid mounds which supported large structures,
circles of wooden posts, and conical and ridge-shaped mounds. The
origin and center of this activity is Cahokia.
A cluster of shared customs of these people, the Mississippians,
spread up the Mississippi River as far north as Aztalan in Wisconsin,
through the Ohio River to Angel in southern Indiana, and southeast
into Alabama at Moundville and Etowah, in Georgia. It is possible
that the new Mississippian sites were found by people originally
coming from the Cahokia area to establish trading centers. It is
also possible that ideas were being exchanged, along with trade goods,
between the indigenous people and the Cahokia people. The possibility
of invasion of established towns by the Mississippians also exists.
By the 12th and 13th centuries, several Mississippian centers had
appeared in the southeastern United States. Lewis Larson, Jr. points
out that these sites were limited in their distribution to alluvial
bottom lands of the major river systems and their branches, at a
point where different environmental zones meet.
The Mississippian settlement pattern typically followed a Maya one,
with a large, well populated ceremonial administrative trading center
containing platform mounds, and other public buildings, plazas, and
residences. This was surrounded by dispersed farming and manufacturing
towns and hamlets. Some of the largest of these had their own platform
mounds and plazas.
Mississippian cultures are characterized by complexity of social
structure, which includes social stratification and differential
access to various resources. The need for manpower in the construction
of the large public works indicates a kind of social control not
found in other North American sites outside of Mexico. Mississippian
sites invariably give evidence of participating in elaborate trade
networks, a continuation of a Woodland and Archaic pattern.
Large Late Mississippian sites were all surrounded by wooden stockades,
surely evidence of warfare with their neighbors. Since the technology
of the Mississippians did not differ radically from that of their
neighbors, nor did their means of subsistence (corn cultivation supplemented
by hunting, fishing and gathering), it is difficult to understand
the reasons for the warfare. It is possible that the social structure
and the public works of the Mississippians required the use of captive
slave labor, who may also have been used for human sacrifices, in
which case warfare seems reasonable.
One of the major problems of the Mississippian culture is its relation
to what has been called the Southern Ceremonial Cult or the Southern
Cult. Identical styles appear in ceremonial context in many Mississippian
and non Mississippian sites. An example is a monolithic polished
axe, found at Moundville and Etowah and realistically represented
in an incised shell cup from Spiro, in Oklahoma, a non Mississippian
site. Incised shell, incidentally, which occurs in some quantity
at Spiro as well as at Moundville, Etowah and other sites, is made
from Busycon perversum, a mollusk native to the Florida keys and
the northern Veracruz coast of Mexico (where the Huasteca were incising
the same kind of shell).
The connections between the Mississippians, the Southern Cult, and
Mesoamerica are still in question. The similarities of style and
content between the southeast and Mesoamerica are too great to be
ignored. One example is the longnosed god, who appears in some Southern
Cult contexts as well as in many Mesoamerican ones. One hypothesis
is that Aztec traders, whose god, incidentally, was a long nosed
one, were trading up the Mississippi River. No object of clear Mississippian
origin has been found in Mesoamerica, but perishable raw materials
such as furs and herbs cannot be excluded. It is interesting to note
that Cahokia, the originator and most spectacular of all Mississippian
centers, shows very little evidence of participation in the Southern
Cult, although the platform mounds and plazas indicate Mesoamerican
influence.
At Cahokia, a gradual decline took place from about A.D. 1250. Some
of the public areas were converted to private use, and burials became
less elaborate. By the time of contact with Europeans, the great
Mississippian centers had been largely abandoned, although they were
occasionally used for Indian burials. No European artifact has been
found in a Mississipian context.
The decline of the Mississippian centers has been attributed to
the overuse and exhaustion of natural resources near the centers.
As a result, the large centers may have been superseded by the growth
of smaller regional centers with Mississippian traits. The Natchez,
for example, when visited by Le Page Du Pratz in the early 18th century,
were building mounds for chiefs houses, practicing human sacrifice
in connection with the burial of important people, and maintaining
an elaborately stratified social structure. By the 1830's, the last
faint vestiges of the Mississippian cultures had vanished.
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